Kategoriarkiv: Politik

Socialist scandals 1990s – 2000s in Sweden

1. 1994. Business minister and union leader Björn Rosengren went to porn Club Tabu using union money ($8000 for one night), claiming he did not understand what kind of establishment he gotten into so late at night. Evidence of him being with prostitutes at the time is still around but not substantiated.
2. Fall 1995. Mona Sahlin, labour minister and deputy prime minister by then, later party leader 2007- 2010, had to leave her posts when parliament discovered that she had used public cash to purchase private services and goods, paid nanny services illegally, not paying child-care fees, taxes, 98 parking tickets and TV/ radio fees in time forcing her to the Swedish Enforcement Agency (Kronofogden). She had just accepted the post as party leader after Ingvar Carlsson in 1995 but left next year all political positions. She went during her personal crisis on a vacation to Mauritius with three staff members paid by government.
3. 1996. Public municipal employees’ union leader and Örebro county head Sigward Marjasin was charged with mismanaging public and private finances but later freed in court. Leading social democrats denounced him.
4. Winter 1998. Stockholm social democratic leader Mats Hulth had been buying drinks on taxpayers’ behalf for many years media reveals. Municipal rules for alcohol consumption had not been followed. Hulth was supported by the local social democratic club but had to resign.
5. 2000. Family ties within the social democratic party and sphere becomes obvious when the son Thomas of former minister Lennart Bodström and the daughter Brita of former minister Anna-Greta Leijon become ministers too. Families Nuder, Larsson, Toreson, Carlsson, Palme, Holmqvist, Damberg, Marén, Lindh and Holmberg were also using the social democratic party nespotic networks.
6. Winter 2001. Extraordinary rendition of two refugees after 9/ 11 by CIA at Swedish airport to Egypt without guarantees of the men not facing torture. UN, Human Rights Watch and Swedish parliament objected afterwards to the deportation. Responsible minister was the deceased Anna Lindh whom every involved social democrats conveniently later could blame.
7. Winter 2002. Prime minister Göran Persson’s wife Anitra Steen headed suppousedly unaware the Swedish alcohol monopoly Systembolaget when systematic corruption was revealed between suppliers of wine and liquor and the Swedish government buyers.
8. Spring 2004. Party leader Göran Persson bought a mansion with 500 acres for $2 million. Many hard working Swedes did not forget this, even if the purchase was perfectly legal.
9. Summer 2004. Finance minister and deputy prime minister Bo Ringholm was criticized for being lax in illegal wages paid by a sport club Enskede IF where he was president for ten years. Police investigation was started but shut down since crimes were done too long ago.
10. Fall 2004. Metal union officials went to sex clubs, bought liquor and dildos (to give to loyal women) for union members’ money in Trollhättan. One evening in Brussels three union officials spent $7000 on liquor and prostitutes.
11. Winter 2004. Prime minister Göran Persson was made honorary doctor at Örebro University on dubious grounds. The official motivation for his degree in medicine, science and technology (subjects which non-graduate Persson never had studied) could be viewed as a reward for his support of Örebro university college when applying for full university credentials. Earlier attempts had been refused by academic authorities but Persson made way for the new regional university.
12. 2005. Trade union LO fired two officials (Jan Edling and Olle Sahlström) when they wrote about how the union and socialists used false labour statistics (real unemployment 20 % rather than officially 5 %) and corruption in housing foundations meant for poor widows of workers’ families going to union officials.
13. Spring 2005. Gunilla Ekberg expert on sexual trafficking and prostitution at a government ministry threatened female journalist Evin Rubar and other women organisations, but minister in charge Mona Sahlin did not react.
14. Spring 2005. Social democratic parliament member Ola Rask forced to leave his leadership of socialist and union education center due to having two positions, and a pension, at the same time.
15. Spring 2005. Government Employment Agency in Nyköping threatened to withdraw benefits unless unemployed construction workers went to Stockholm to protest against budget cuts in unemployment benefits together with the union. The government Employment Agency official signed the letter together with union officials and both stated that the march was mandatory.
16. Summer 2005. Center Against Racism, created by ministers Jens Orback and Mona Sahlin, did not use their government grants properly and had little activity but many expenses on hotels and restaurant. The anti-racist center got new grants each year without control.
17. Fall 2005. Police used union officials when checking on foreign transport companies after a storm in southern Sweden. Unions checked for collective agreements (optional according to Swedish law) while the police looked at safety arrangements. Unions used the uniformed policemen to obtain secret information from foreign chauffeurs that they had no reason to give to union officials.
18. Fall 2005. Zakarias Winberg was fired from his position at a trade union after writing an article declaring his loyalty to Christian Democratic Party, not to the labour movement.
19. Winter 2005. School minister Ibrahim Baylan stopped a report from National Agency for Schools which had found that private schools made better results and that teacher qualifications did not matter. In Sweden agencies are independent from ministers, but Baylan made the agency remove the report from internet immediately. An edited version was uploaded later and Baylan had to explain his actions to constitutional council at parliament.
20. Spring 2006. Göran Persson was sentenced but with no punishment in court for illegal constructions at his mansion under the care of his brother. Neither of them knew that such constructions must be reported to municipality and a plan for working safety be prepared.
21. Fall 2006. Göran Persson threatened to withdraw government bonds in telecommunication multinational Ericsson because CEO Carl-Henrik Svanberg said that a shift of political power could be refreshing.
22. Fall 2006. Leading lady of Stockholm municipal social democrats Annika Billström lost her political position but used regulations to fund her private business while being supported by taxpayers after her lost election. Legal but immoral many thought.
23. Spring 2009. Union leader Vanja Lundby- Wedin did not act or understand when as board member of the union pension fund AMF, she supported its CEO with $9 million when he was laid off on top of the $6 million salary.
24. Fall 2010. Two local socialist politicians went to Stockholm, got drunk and brought prostitutes to the unions premises. Buying sex is illegal in Sweden and the legislation is heavily supported by the social democratic, feminist, green and left parties.
25. Summer 2011. Party leader Håkan Juholt got parliament to pay for his apartment while his woman stayed there too. He also mismanaged rented cars and travels to Belarus on parliament funds.

Socialist scandals in Sweden 1970s

SOCIALIST SCANDALS

1. Fall 1972. Croatian terrorists hijacked a plane at Malmö airport, asking for release of Yugoslavian terrorists that had killed an ambassador and occupied a consulate in Sweden and money. Minister of justice Lennart Geijer could not withhold against the terrorists and gave in to the demands.
2. Spring 1973. The labour unions own faltering construction company BPA was saved unconstitutionally by Olof Palme through a foreign aid project for Algeria, a corruption pattern that would unfold later .
3. Summer 1973. Bank robbery in central Stockholm leading to robbers holding hostages for five days. Sympathy arose between robbers and hostages leading to the Stockholm syndrome. Olof Palme emerged as soft on crime, talking to the robbers at their request for 45 minutes that was taped by the police. However 20 minutes remain lost of the conversation. Palme used the tense occasion when tear gas had disarmed the robbers to speak as a politician rather than a statesman and thereby using a crisis before the election.
4. Spring 1975. West German embassy occupied by left wing group Baader Meinhof terrorists which left four people dead and severely injured terrorists. The injured were immediately sent to West Germany in spite of doctors’ recommendations and with no negotiations with German officials. The minister in charge Anna-Greta Leijon was one year later hunted by same terrorists wanting to take revenge by kidnapping her, which did not happen due to clumsy planning by the terrorists. Swedish left wing activist Pia Laskar was sentenced in planning kidnapping the minister but later brought into social democratic and union circles as lecturer on queer and left activism .
5. Oct 1975. A spy working for the social democrat party was revealed at Gothenburg municipal hospital where he surveilled left wing activists. Two leading social democrats, police officer Hans Holmér and journalist Ebbe Carlsson, were involved but not charged. They were however charged later in 1980s for other illegal actions doing police work without legal authority.
6. Oct 1975. Pentti Ketola, Finnish social democrat, was stopped at Stockholm airport with cash coming from Germany to help Finnish unions campaign against communists .
7. Jan 1976. Hans Eriksson, leader of Transport workers’ union, vacationed in fascist Spain paid by employers in spite of the union blockade of Spanish general Franco’s dictatorship. Eriksson would later resign due to mismanagement of union funds.
8. Jan 1976. Ingmar Bergman, world famous film maker, were questioned by taxation authorities in front of actors during a rehearsal at National Theatre Dramaten and left Sweden for five years to Germany.
9. March 1976. Astrid Lindgren, world famous children’s author, had been double taxed with 102 % and wrote a satire in the largest tabloid about the greedy witch Pomperipossa in the land of money.
10. May 1976. Brothels with politicians, royals, judges, military officers and heads of government agencies as customers were linked to the social democratic party. Polish prostitutes associated with the communist country’s Stockholm embassy courted military officers and ministers. Under age girls were involved. Police investigation was hampered by leading socialist leaning police officers. Documents are still partly filed secret.
11. Aug 1976. Female clerk at parliament who took notes for ministers Palme et al. was cohabiting with important drug dealer who was given pardon by minister of justice Geijer. The woman was given new job in the labour movement .
12. Nov 1977. Geijer, by then former social democrat minister of justice, were named among other politicians including Olof Palme in the press for visiting prostitutes. Palme lied about Geijer and the whole affair in parliament and to media.

13. 1973 IB affair. public disclosure of a secret intelligence bureau, IB (Informationsbyrån) that without agreements from parliament and in opposition to routines of secret services, had registered and persecuted left wing activists and others that the ruling socialist party disliked or feared. The bureau did not exist officially in the intelligence services, so there were no laws on military or civil intelligence to follow.

Debatter i veckan

Sista ronden av Timbros arrangemang på Teater Brunnsgatan 4 gick av stapeln 9 maj. Det första gav goda skratt men lite substans. Jag gav mig ned till Brunnsgatan i tron att Johan Lundberg, Göran Hägglund och Åsa Linderborg skulle visa lite mer djup. Dessvärre var nog denna gång än tunnare soppa. Lundberg mullrade, Linderborg dinglade med kjolen och bara log när hon fick frågor om sin syn på Lenin från Lundberg (blog dan efter). Om någon höll måttet var det KDs Göran Hägglund som verkligen försökte tala om elitismen i kulturvänstern men pladdrades bort. Gratis underhållning och vin, tack Timbro och tack LO som hotade med strejk på 70talet så att SAF fick samla in fondmedel vars avkastning nu blev till Timbro.

Veckans andra debatt var heldagsföredrag på libertarianska FreedomFest. Jonas Himmelstrands berättelse om hans flykt undan Uppsala kommuns socialförvaltning var gripande. Hans tre barn som varit i hemundervisning i sex år kunde inte garanteras säkra av socialtjänsten själva. De sade rent ut detta. Samtidigt hade familjen fått viten på över 200 000 kr för brott mot skolplikten. De flydde i feb 2012 till Åland.Se hans initiativ Rohus och Mireja. Libertarianerna i Mises Institutet och Piratpartiets Falkvinge berättade om statsmakt och frihetpatos. Som gammal folkbildare var det härligt att se unga och gamla samlas från 9 till 19 en lördag med att lyssna på ett tiotal tankvärda föredrag. Tror detta arrangemang uppfyllde alla regler för bidrag men inte tog emot några. Härligt.

Swedish self – images, state individualism and my writings

I have written earlier here and here about the book I am writing on about the Swedish self- image that partly will be a reply to the influential concept of ”state individualism” in the 2006 book ”Är svensken människa?” by historians Henrik Berggren and Lars Trägårdh.

Historian Lars Trägårdh has become a source for the new moderate government polices to ensure continuity with the welfare state of earlier leftist years. The Guardian let him explain his views when Cameron was here and as well as the moderate daily Svenska Dagbladet and the very useful web discussion forum Newsmill let him speak for an influential audience recently.

Below is an expanded draft plan of the book that will amount to a critique of Berggren’s and Trädgårdh’s optimism of their coined concept of ”state individualism”, see the links above for presentations.

Draft of writings on Sweden – an outline:

Introduction

Sweden the last century is a microcosm of the affluent West, modernity and individualism. The last decades have been tougher but still the Swedes make it well in most global market indexes, except for primary education.
This study will tell both the success story of the welfare state and its downfall. The two theses I will pursue are that the Swedish welfare state has given rise to an unfettered individualism supported by the welfare state. This statist individualism is cherished by all political parties and has deep national roots. Secondly, radical policies to correct and nurture the Swedes’ behaviour and minds in good directions are sprung from belief in expertise, science and government. The isolation of Sweden outside continental Europe has been crucial for nurturing exceptionalism during the Swedish Empire 16-18th centuries and in its unique leap from a poor rural economy with peasant democracy to a modern welfare state in very short time in the last century.

This study will try to link the welfare state with the unique domineering politically correct policies in 21st century Sweden, where the most embarrassing is not doing and thinking what is correct, from sorting out the garbage to memorizing with ethnic groups could get offended by speaking one’s mind. The Swedes must collectively be made to make the right choices by political campaign, ideologist state apparatuses and benevolent media when buying alcohol, deciding on child care, caring for oneself when unemployed, sick or old and finding a place to live in. The centre-right parties in 1990s and since 2006 have reformed some welfare state mechanisms with great excitement together with the centre-left parties with less excitement. But all parties want to use the enormous state apparatus and its experts to control choices, processes and outcomes.

I will argue that this belief in the good state and its well meaning civil servants was accelerated by leftist policies since 1968. With a vocal intellectual bureaucracy under PM Olof Palme elected 1969 the Swedish welfare state changed from a modest reformist state handing out pensions to an aggressive Moloch that interfered with not only your wallet, taking two thirds to itself, but also your values and self-respect. What distinguish Sweden during 1960s – 1980s from other nations were the ability, need and desire to employ loyal teachers, doctors, lecturers, bureaucrats and PR agencies in municipalities, ministries, government monopoly media etc.

The results are still with us whenever we enter public spaces or deal with the government. We are the children, the government is the adults. The legendary social democratic PM Per Albin Hansson created used national romantic term “Folkhem” (People’s Home”) in 1928 to describe his social utopia. In this national home, everybody should be treated equal. No bullies, no favourites, no downtrodden children. The nostalgia and force of the term Folkhem is still in repressive use after its heydays 1930-1970.

Earlier research and commentary

Earlier research and journalistic commentary has been done successfully by foreigners like R Huntford, M Zaremba, M Rojas, M Alapoeus, A Brown, N Sanandaji, M Karaveli but also by self-critical Swedish scholars and authors like V Moberg, S Rydenfelt, S Burenstam Linder, T Segerstedt, H Zetterberg, J Norberg, B Sundberg Weitman, A Edwardsson, M Henrykson, S Fölster, P Engellau, B Rothstein, A Lindbeck, PT Ohlsson, J. W.F. Sundberg, C Arvidsson, L Trägårdh, Å Daun and KO Arnstberg along with proceedings from Axess seminars on Swedish history and modernity. My contribution will be to condense these findings and draw conclusions that will bring contemporary perspectives. Little has been published in English with a comprehensive narrative of the particularly Swedish road to modernity and individualism. My approach will be to tell the history of Sweden trying to explain how the distinct features of Swedish nationality made the late 20th century welfare state to implode yet without any sound and fury.

The findings so far seem to be that the Swedes wilfully accept living in a state with little respect for rule of law, with little knowledge of individual rights against authorities, paying over 60 % of wages in taxes, fees, VAT and payrolls and succumbing to a nationally correct culture and media. Swedes are simply not interested in much else than consumption, security and efficient government. Humanity, integrity, religiosity, moral values and individual responsibility and courage are not popular issues and make them nervous. I may accept that being somewhat bland, anxious and with few human traits common to other cultures and peoples is the pale Swedish prerogative but then we should not be proud of being sheepish. Swedish politicians and representatives usually take a very high moral ground with little base. Our history of forced sterilizations in 20th century is enough to prove out incapacity to both being the epitome of modern welfare state and an example of scientific rationalisation, eugenics, social conformism and mental hygiene going mad.

The current situation

What has accelerated the inner contradictions of the Swedish welfare state is the inability to speak openly about any of these matters in media and research. Slowly the intellectual debate will change but new areas since 1980s have replaced the older socialist paradigm, e.g. government versions of feminism, multiculturalism, child care, security paranoia etc. With state controlled media, education and weak parliamentary system with little civil society backing, the executive branch of government runs the country like a corporation. No matter if the CEO is socialist or not, the state machinery runs effectively in praise of the meek citizens.

Table of contents

Prel title: Swede land

Introduction
Part 1 History: hubris, humility and hubris again
History 1000 – 1930
Hubris 1930 – 1970
Humility 1970 – 2000
Hubris again 2000 – 2012
80 pages

Part 2 Anxiety, conformism and policies
Schools
Academia
Gender
Immigration
Culture/Media
Legislation
Foreign policy
Business/Economy
Welfare
Anxieties
180 pages

Part 3 Alternatives, ideologies and national mentality

70 pages incl references

Total 330 pages

Part 2 will cover the current debates in these policy areas after year 2000; with some exceptions (the mad 1970s in foreign policy and primary education will not be forgotten). Part 3 will conclude with references to current political philosophy and ideological debate in Sweden. Liberalism and conservatism has been revived since 1980s by liberal minded publishing houses (MTG, Axess) and think tanks (Timbro, Ratio, SNS) and will be considered along with useful studies by young writers like Hadley-Kamptz, Bard & Söderkvist, Norberg, Olsson et al. Little discussion on the particular issues, more on the national character of political culture and thought in Sweden. Debates in UK and USA on communitarianism, civic humanism and contemporary liberalism may be included.

Sweden and its past – a place for ideological innovation

Recently two texts have caught my attention. The first text is the Fokus´ article about the New Moderates usage of Henrik Berggren and Lars Trädgårdh´s thesis about the ”state individualism” in Sweden.The second text is by Nina Samandaji on the Swedish Model reassessed

Both texts try to wrestle the history of Sweden from its social democratic dominance. They seem to say that Sweden was already on its way to the welfare state, building on liberal values, protestant work ethics and market economy. Nima Sanandaji is a young liberal conservative who started his own think tank Captus, while Henrik Berggren is social democrat, looking backwards. Lars Trädgårdh has been associated with the Christian college Sköndal. What divides them is their usages of the new and ideological innovative Swedish history. Berggren and Trädgårdh seem stuck in their preservation of a exceptionalist story of Sweden, even if they broaden the story to be founded on pre-socialist principles. Sanandaji is looking both to the history, but he sees Swedes moving to USA making a better life for them there than other nations. The exceptionalism is not nationalistic. His hope is to the future of Sweden, building on what has changed since 1995 in business life, slimmer government and social reforms to enhance work rather than benefits. Berggren wrote recently a biography of Olof Palme. He has not left him yet. Others have.

Folkpartiets landsmöte

Jag åkte till Karlstad i en oktoberhelg 2011 for att besöka landsmötet inom Folkpartiet. Här finns några rader.

Partistyrelsen lyckades trixa fram ett svar om marginalskattenivåer som räddade FP från en syn på välfärd som alltid ska innebära höga skatter. Märkligt att det 2011 i Sverige upprätthålls att ett samband mellan höga skatter och hög välfärd alltid gäller, även inom borgerligheten. I Europa finns flera länder med lägre skatter men snabbare och bättre vård t ex.

Det blir en grannlaga uppgift att tala med folkpartister om detta men jag ska försöka. Här finns några argument från Timbro om välfärdens framtida finansiering, här om fler företagare (som genererar mer skatt till välfärd) från Fores och här historisk inspiration från landsbygdsliberaler. Bara sätta igång !

Sweden and the Swedes 1900-2010. Outline of book idea

I am currently planning to write a book on Swedish political history and lives in the welfare system. Here is ToC

Table of contents

”Sweden and the Swedes 1900-2010.
The ambition and failure to care for, control and develop bodies and souls”

Preface

1. Samples of welfare state lives and individuals 2011

Part 1 Hubris. 1900-1986.
Introduction

2. History of the welfare state 1900-1986. Myrdals. Statist individualism 19th century. Child rearing, modernity, control.
2.1. Birth of welfare state 1900, 1906, 1932, 1945, 1957
2.2. Critique. Early social democrats, liberals, conservatives. Lindbom, Moberg.
2.3. Olof Palme 1969. LO, wage earners funds. Law 1974. Repressed culture.
2.4. 1976. Centre-right govnt. Crises. Literary criticism (Fagerberg et al)
2.5. 1982-1986. Palme back. Downfall

Part 2 Modern, rational and correct individuals and policies.
Introduction

3. Education
3.1 Schooling
3.2. Higher education and research

4. Gender, families and sexuality

5. Security, clientelism and morals

6. Immigration and integration

7. Foreign policy.
7.1 Säpo, KGB

8. Business and economy

Part 3 Humility. 1986 – 2010
Introduction

9. Economy and politics 1986- 2010
10. Community and individualism.
11. Social media opposition and new liberalisms.
12. Still corrected, still modern, still life
.
Eplilogue

The last part 3 will be hard to picture but little has happend in the lives of citizens that really has given them more freedom. Security is the overall ambition yet. Trying to combine more freedom with individual responsibility is not seen yet.

Lazy but dangerous thinking on 9/11 in Swedish media

The main dailies Svenska Dagbladet and Dagens Nyheter were cordial but did not go into excuses for Bin Laden’s 10th anniversary today, but socialist tabloid Aftonbladet could not let off a lazy lecture by F Wirtanen. He rants of about Colin Powell’s speech in UN Feb 5, 2003 when the defense secretary explained of the weapons of mass destruction in Iraq under Sadaam Hussein. There were chemical, biological as well as efforts to get nuclear weapons from North Korea earlier. Israel bombed already in 1981 a nuclear reactor build the French but Hussein was on the dirty bomb market ever since in  order to get plutonium and technology, just as Libya and Iran was. Aftonbladet cannot stay of the anti American trend in Swedish media and invites the great journalist and writer Jan Guillou later this eve for chat with readers. Guillou wrote a few days after 9/11 2001 that Bin Laden had right demands on the US, but was a fanatic. Guillou wrote en eulogy 1975 on Hussein’s Iraq. btw. . .

The liberal tabloid Expressen is  relativising the number of victims in NY 9/11, almost 3000, in relation to the 35 000 that has been jailed and/or sentenced for terrorist crimes since then. ”Hubris and revenge” characterized the US reaction after 9/11 the commentator writes. Yes indeed, revenge after the largest number of dead at any single terrorist attack is quite understandable. This kind of comparison is also taken on the death toll of Afghanis and Pakistans due to terrorist attacks which now go over 20-30 000. Many commentators write as if the US started the war by responding to the attacks, not the opposite. Truth is that Al Queda started the war on terrorism by 9/11  (and a lot earlier already by 1993 but leave that for now) and the South Asians and Middle Easterns should blame their Saudi villain for their problems and deaths, not US.

Simply Evil. Christopher Hitchens states the facts behind the attacks ten years from today.  The role of the intellectual is to introduce complexity into a discussion, the Hitch starts but goes on. ”But what I learned in a highly indelible manner from the events and arguments of September 2001 was this: Never, ever ignore the obvious either.” Blair says similarily that  it was ”deeply naive” to believe the west’s response had radicalised extremist Muslim factions.

US did not deserve 9/11, nor did it start the following war on terror but was forced to react and no one can deny that the Al Queda and similar terrorist networks and states (including Hussein’s Iraq, North Korea, Iran, Quadaffi’s Libya and to lesser extent Venezuela and Cuba) were and are threats to freedom, stability and human dignity. The leftist defence of dictatorships culminated in the post 9/11 frenzy on security and surveillance but must be blamed for what it is: lazy and dangerous thought. Swedish media makes this day harder to bear, not lighter.

Den som tar emot bidrag är icke fri- befria dem och oss

Förändra lagen om socialbidrag genom krav på flytt till arbeten, motprestation, inga nya bostäder automatiskt vid barnafödsel och ingen riksnorm för bidragets storlek.

Det ska vara skillnad mellan att ta emot bidrag och att arbeta. Socialtjänstlagen och praxis vid beslut om bidragsutbetalning leder dock till mindre skillnader och dyra system.  Det handlar om drygt 10 miljarder i ekonomiskt bistånd (socialbidrag) till en halv miljon bidragstagare varav 150 000  långvariga biståndsmottagare (bidragstagare).  Till detta kommer kostnader vid socialkontoren, utredningar vid andra myndigheter, mer ohälsa osv. och omätbart mänskligt lidande.

Andra ersättningssystem tas inte upp här, men som vi vet av sjukskrivningsdebatten innan valet 2010 finns det starka krafter som snabbt bildar opinion. Medierna driver gärna extremfall (“Filip”, “Annica”) som tippar hela diskussionen om majoriteten av de sjukskrivna/sk utförsäkrade och ev. arbetsoförmögna. Samma öde om inte  värre kommer drabba alliansregeringen om den tar upp några av mina förslag till 2014. Men det kan inte vänta.

Regelverket kring socialbidragen (eufemismerna “ekonomiskt bistånd, “försörjningsstöd” visar hur Socialstyrelsen och kommuner vill styra tankarna) vill stödja arbete, självständigt liv osv men leder ofta till motsatsen, belagt i otaliga utredningar sedan 1980talet. Helena Rivières skrift “Bidragskulturen – filosofien bakom socialbidraget” 1998 står sig tyvärr.

FLYTTA

Punkt ett: Bidragsmottagaren kan besluta var denne ska bo. Till exempel som vi ser i de invandrartäta förorterna (“ebo”- reformens resultat) men också i Norrland, särskilt om barn finns med i beslutet. Högst andel  biståndshushåll med barn 2010 var det i Sorsele med 21 procent. Omtanke om att barns uppväxt ska ske i samma ort i barn-och ungdom leder i de flesta fall till bidrag via socialtjänst eller arbetsmarknadsåtgärder. Men om socialsekreterarna i Norrland tror att alla dessa barn kommer lämna sin vackra hemby vid myndighetsålder tror de fel. Ett till synes dystert antal har vant sig och sett hur man kan leva ganska gott ändå. Generationer  hamnar i bidragskulturen. Inte dystert alltid.

Det kan inte och ska inte vara möjligt att individer ska bo var de vill och ta mot bidrag utifrån detta villkor. Men lagen ger inget tvingande utrymme att flytta, bara uppmaningar. Enligt en studie av fd jugoslaver som kom till Sverige 1990talet med samma yrkes- och utbildningsbakgrund hade bara 25 % av de som hamnade i Malmö arbete medan de som flyttat till Småland arbetade tom.  mer än svenskarna. Ingen flytt, inga pengar.

FIXA BOSTAD

Min andra punkt handlar om egen bostad för unga ensamma mödrar. Bor man hemma och blir gravid finns lite hinder i socialtjänstlagen för att den unga modern tar sitt ansvar och bor kvar i den numera något mer trångbodda bostaden. Barnets  “bästa” (som tolkas av socialsekreteren och modern) blir anledning till att skaffa ny egen bostad, minst 2 ROK som socialkontoret betalar. Fadern finns i bakgrunden eller ej, det vet vi inte och ska heller inte rapportera om via grannarna. Men sannolikheten är betydligt större att också han tar sitt ansvar och fixar eget hem om modern fortfarande bor hemma och inte kan flytta pga kostnaderna. Men med socialkontorets hjälp lever de hellre själva gratis utan att fadern gjort ett dugg. Skäms.

LOKAL NORM

Den tredje punkten handlar om riksnormen för socialbidrag. Fram till slutet av 1990talet kunde kommuner besluta om kostnadsnivå utifrån lokala priser.  Det ansågs orättvist och  riksdagen antog riksnorm (2011 ca 3700 kr) . Undantag nedåt får göras om det finns särskilda skäl, men uppåt går bra som i Stockholm stad. Vi kanske  helst vill vara som riksdagen, goda fina medborgare som hjälper de svaga och bevilja alla bidragstagare samma summa varje månad.  Men den goda viljan leder fel och bort från respekt och egen försörjning. Skillnaderna verkar kanske inte stora mellan en riksnorm och en lokal norm, ett par hundra i sydsverige och en tusenlapp i norr kanske,  men det finns bidragsmiljarder att spara om dessa bidragsmottagare inser att de kan klara sig utan bidrag och tar arbete/sysselsättning. Själva skillnaden ska man inte stirra sig blind på utan incitamentet till förändring, flytt, arbete/sysselsättning osv. Lokala beslut bäst.

MOTPRESTATION

Den fjärde punkten handlar om att införa krav på motprestation i form  av sysselsättning/kompetensutveckling  för bidragsmottagare över 25 år (varför ska dessa undantas?). Landskrona införde detta 2009 men fick kritik av Socialstyrelsen och en självutnämnd ilsk bloggosfär.

Anledningen till kritiken, vilken var korrekt enligt lagen, var att kommunen satte alla över 25 år i organiserad sysselsättning, något som ska prövas individuellt och vara ett undantag enligt kap 4 §4 i socialtjänstlagen.  Folkpartiet driver saken men inte högljutt, utom Helen Odenljung I Göteborg. I skriften “Folkpartiet gör skillnad i regeringen” (2009) talar man om sina krav och hur man agerat 2006-2010  där man inte haft minister/department, men detta krav om motprestation finns inte med trots att det finns med som uttalat folkpartikrav sedan 2000talet. Regeringens långtidsutredning LU2011 och bilaga 11 i synnerhet  kan bli  ett steg framåt med ett undantag: totalt fel i rapportens policyrekommendation “Ta bort möjligheten för kommunerna att villkora försörjningsstöd på motprestationer för biståndstagaren enligt 4 kap 4 § i SoL”.

Troligen finns motprestationskrav i praktiken ute i kommunerna men man talar tyst om det och den individuella prövningen görs rutinartat, dvs i strid med lagen. Bättre ändra lagen och tysta mediekritiken formellt. Ingen motprestation, inget bidrag.

BEFRIA

Att leva på bidrag innebär ett beroende av de som betalar bidragen, till sist oss skattebetalare. Beroendet leder till att man inte kan leva som man vill. Ytterligheter som att bevilja bidrag för elektricitet till personer som lider av folkskygghet och tvingas sitta inne vid datorn eller bidrag till internet och dator/lap top för skolbarn leder fel.

Har ett system byggts upp med rutinutbetalningar blir det svårt att dra in dessa bidrag men det måste blir svaret. Att konservera ett system pga vana leder ingenvart. Men det blir politiskt tufft igen att driva dessa punkter för löntagarpartierna i regeringen. Bidragstagarpartierna har fått en till medlem, SD, så nu står det fyra mot fyra.

Den nyvalda ordföranden för S-Kvinnor, Lena Sommestad, skrev ogenerat 2010:

“Parollen ‘det ska löna sig att arbeta’ har historiskt varit betydelsefull främst som ett argument för sänkta marginalskatter. Det ska löna sig att arbeta några timmar till. Under senare tid har denna paroll också blivit ett argument för att försämra de sociala försäkringarna. Utifrån föreställningen att det finns de som hellre väljer sociala ersättningar än arbete, ska valet att arbeta bli mer lönsamt. Det är uppenbart att denna paroll inte är tidlös, och än mindre tidlöst socialdemokratisk. Socialdemokraterna har alltid värderat lönearbetet högt, men synen på arbetet och dess plats i samhällsekonomin har under tidigare epoker varit både bredare och mer insiktsfull”.

Sommestad  kan räkna med att bidragstagarna inte kan sin socialdemokratiska historia heller. Gamle socialministern Gustaf Möller vrider sig i sin grav. Den som tar emot bidrag är icke fri. Befria dem och oss själva samtidigt

Redigerad version pa Newsmill

http://www.newsmill.se/artikel/2011/08/29/den-som-tar-emot-bidrag-r-icke-fri

Min diskussion om svensk liberalism, multikulturalism och tolerans

Mitt bidrag Extrema Sverige kan lära av normala invandrarkulturer  (Newsmill 12/08/2011) har resulterat i kommentarer som menar att jag gillar hedersmord, kvinnofortryck mm. Jag skrev ” Sveriges extrema position som världens mest sekulära och indivdualistiska land är inte oproblematisk. Ingen lever som vi. Det är invandrarna som besitter världens mest utbredda värderingar. De kanske kan lära oss något.”  Men det verkar som om bara ett fatal besitter denna vidsynthet.

Jag har tydligen retat upp flera SD sympatisorer o dylika som inte gillar att man tar sig ton mot nationalliberalismens stela toleranstvang.  Andra kommentarer gillar vinkeln om att Sverige har en extremposition enligt World Values Survey (som jag tjatat om i flera blogposter nu men kolla sidan ser bl a hur langt Norge ar fran Sverige t ex) och jag tror mig ha vunnit nagra lasare, Jerlerup bl a.  Kul om partiforetradare kan ta upp detta perspektiv. En kortversion av texten publicerades 2008 i kristna dagstidningen Dagen men renderade inga debatter da. Men kanske tiden finns for en tolerans gentemot konservativa grupper idag, dit jag inte raknar mig men vill forsvara deras ratt att forbli konservativa.

 

 

Att tvingas till liberalism

MULTIKULTURALISMENS TILLBAKAGÅNG
Vi kan idag se en offensiv i väst för att hårdare införa liberala värderingar och livsmönster. Väst vill tydligare hävda öppenhet, tolerans och individualism. Problemet är att denna öppenhet och tolerans inte tillåter avvikelser och åsikter som öppet ifrågasätter liberalismen. Frågan om den tolerante ska tolerera den intolerante handlar om hur välfärdsstatens sekulära universalism ska hantera etniskt kollektiva och/ eller religiöst traditionella värderingar som står i strid med liberal individualism. Detta bör göras utan att toleransens metoder slår över i en intolerant repression som kan uppfattas som majoritetskulturens ”kulturella dominans”. Vi måste finna en ny moralisk diplomati som inte väjer för det svåra:

”Först när vi hittat eller konstruerat en gemensam normativ grund kan vi också på allvar börja kritisera varandra. Och det kan man säga är förutsättningen för moralisk diplomati. Men det är på sätt och vis en speciell diplomati, eftersom vad den strävar efter är möjligheten till oenighet och genuin konflikt. Vi vill med hela vårt känsloliv kunna kritisera andra kulturers moral, åtminstone i särskilt allvarliga fall, samtidigt som vi förstår att vi inte kan rättfärdiga sådan kritik om vi inte hittar eller skapar en gemensam normativ grund ” (Om det politiskt korrekta, Egonsson, s. 221).

FOSTRA GODA DYGDER GEMENSAMT
Som skolledare i Tensta 2004- 2005 blev jag både bespottad och fick mat kastad på mig. Enligt resonemanget ovan skulle detta bero på den svenska skolans ovilja att uppfostra elever utifrån en neutral sk liberal uppfostran,  och frånvaron av resurser att göra det hos de föräldrar som inte orkat hävda sin egen uppfostran, i dessa fall utifrån somalisk och turkisk betydligt tuffare moral. Främst är naturligtvis elevernas uppförande ett ansvar för dem själva – något som varken skola eller familj kan rå för.

Att fostra odågor som dessa kräver att respekt för andra inövas tidigt, ofta och med fast hand. Respekt, tolerans, omdöme etc är individuella dygder som även ett liberalt samhälle måste skapa hos sina medborgare. En öppen välfungerande liberal stat beror enligt såväl liberalismens lärofader JS Mill som svensken J. A. Gripenstedt på att medborgerliga dygder finns och utvecklas hos befolkningen. Individer befinner sig alltid i ett socialt sammanhang och utifrån dem kan fri- och rättigheter fostras och blomstra. Vår integrationsminister Sabuni tillstår detta till skillnad från tygellösa tonåringar och tyvärr deras föräldrar i sitt tal om att alla måste bli universella sekulära liberaler (se nedan) . Men hon vill inte respektera den privata sfären för familjeangelägenheter utan vill till priset av ett tvång till frihet göra alla utlandsfödda till supportrar för en unik postmodern individualism som bara finns i extremlandet Sverige (se World Values Survey) . Inte konstigt att svenska muslimer uppmanas rösta på kristdemokraterna.

.Obligatoriska gynundersökningar av alla högstadieflickor och förbud mot slöja för 15 års ålder är förslag från vår integrationsminister Nyamko Sabuni.

Den ”Dialog om förstärkt gemensam värdegrund”  (Regeringkansliet 2009) som hon initierade syftar också till att finna en väg till de i hennes termer ”intoleranta fundamentalisterna” men hon verkar ha lösningen klar utan särskilt mycket dialog med de hon vill samtala:
”Kamp mot intolerans. Min vision är ett tolerant och humant samhälle. Ett samhälle präglat av mångfald och respekt för olikheter. Där människor möts med respekt för sin särart, inte med misstroende och fientlighet. För att detta ska uppnås är det viktigt med en gemensam förståelse för värdegrunden. Om vi värnar mångfalden som ett av de värden vi har att försvara så blir det oundvikligt att vi också måste föra samtal om den gemensamma värdegrunden. Mångfald är bra, men all mångfald är inte bra och det måste sägas.
Det handlar inte om en civilisationernas eller religionernas kamp. Det handlar om en gemensam kamp mot fundamentalism och intolerans, för demokrati och mänskliga rättigheter. För en gemensam värdegrund, för vår gemensamma framtid”.